Nongqai Vol 17 No 10 – (45): Parliament and Malanga’s role in following criminal prosecutions
Excerpt (English)
A parliamentary inquiry and a criminal prosecution serve different constitutional purposes and can proceed independently without delay.
Abstract (English)
This article by Advocate Anton Wiid argues that neither Parliament nor the Madlanga Commission constitutes a legal obstacle to ongoing criminal investigations or prosecutions in South Africa. Drawing on the constitutional principle of the separation of powers, the author contends that Parliament, commissions of inquiry, the SAPS, and the NPA each perform distinct functions within the constitutional framework. While parliamentary processes focus on political accountability, criminal proceedings pursue legal accountability through independent investigation and prosecution. The article further discusses the evidentiary limitations of parliamentary testimony in criminal trials and emphasizes that law enforcement authorities are under no legal obligation to suspend their mandates pending the completion of parliamentary or commission processes.
Keywords
Separation of Powers, Parliament, Madlanga Commission, SAPS, NPA, Criminal Prosecution, Constitutional Law, Political Accountability, Criminal Justice System, Evidence, Corruption, Rule of Law
PARLIAMENT AND MADLANGA’S ROLE IN FOLLOWING CRIMINAL PROSECUTIONS
Hypothesis:
“Don’t halt immediate criminal investigations or prosecutions; the buck doesn’t stop with Parliament or the outcome of the Madlanga Commission”.

By Advocate Anton Wiid: a simple observation.
It is perceived that law enforcement paused the investigations of the current corruption cases referred to Parliament (ad hoc) or in this case, the Madlanga Commission. Further assuming they must wait for Parliament or the Commission to complete their mandates first. This is misinformation or a lack of information to the general citizens.
Criminal investigations can’t be delayed. The Principle of the Separation of Powers (trias politica) comes to mind.
In a Constitutional Court ruling, issued by Justice Madlanga: Speaker of the National Assembly v Public Protector (CCT 76 1) [2021] ZACC 28 (11 August 2021), (I paraphrase), the court inter alia, dealt with the issue whether parliament could legally be stopped from exercising its mandate independently.
In essence (paraphrased), the Court affirmed Parliament’s independent authority in probing (in this instance), the fitness for office, of a head of a Chapter 9 Institution Constitution. In this case it was found the court can’t infringe Parliament’s authority to probe the case in casu.
The same principles apply to the executive authority as a separate arm of government within the purview of the Constitution. It would be safe to say that there is no “pause button” for police or prosecutors under South African law.
Think of it as two parallel highways:
- Parliamentary functions are political accountability, ending in impeachment at most;
- The lane of the Criminal Justice System underlines the principle, of the independence of the NPA and role and obligations of SAPS to investigate crime or graft, to empower the state and courts to attain the objective of justice, and to punish if so proved.
The Powers, Privileges and Immunities of the Act of Parliament, compels witnesses to testify, even if it is self-incriminating.
Applying these transcripts will not be permissible as evidence in a criminal court, one of the reasons: it is hearsay at its best. You can’t cross-examine a piece of paper! Those transcripts are relevant and applicable for the purposes of the Ad Hoc and Madlanga fora only. Criminal prosecution must comply with its own rules of evidence as required by Criminal Law and Proceedings, covered under the Constitutional umbrella.
However, when perjury is being committed, i.e. in the ad hoc committee, those transcripts become relevant and admissible in criminal actions.
However, the evidence or criminalistic indicators in those transcripts, could assist further or other investigations to in depended on evidence. If it for example alleged that corrupt payments were made, section 105 of the Criminal Procedure Act, would authorise access to bank accounts in order to prove it or not, in the investigations of fraud or corruption etc.
No legal impediment stands in the way of the SAPS or the NPA initiating the criminal justice process. To delay action pending parallel political or legal proceedings elsewhere in government is not an exercise in prudence, but a forfeited opportunity. The law should take its course. Drive on.
P.S. Don’t blame Zondo for weak actions or no actions . Point the finger at the executive branch.

Kommentaar
Advokaat Anton Wiid lewer ‘n bondige maar belangrike bydrae tot die huidige debat oor staatsaanspreeklikheid en korrupsie-ondersoeke. Sy sentrale argument is dat die publiek dikwels verkeerdelik aanvaar dat polisiële ondersoeke en vervolgings moet wag totdat parlementêre prosesse of kommissies van ondersoek afgehandel is.
Hy herinner die leser daaraan dat die Grondwet se beginsel van magskeiding juis vereis dat die onderskeie staatsorgane hul mandates onafhanklik en gelyktydig uitvoer.
Die artikel is veral waardevol omdat dit die onderskeid tussen politieke aanspreeklikheid en strafregtelike aanspreeklikheid helder uiteensit.
Parlement kan politieke gevolgtrekkings maak, maar strafregtelike skuld moet uiteindelik deur ondersoek, vervolging en die howe bepaal word. Hierdie beginsel is fundamenteel vir enige grondwetlike demokrasie.
Wiid se argument dat daar geen “pouseknoppie” vir die SAPD of die NVG bestaan nie, behoort ernstige nadenke uit te lok. Indien voldoende prima facie inligting bestaan, moet ondersoeke voortgaan ongeag parallelle verrigtinge elders in die staat.
Vir Nongqai-lesers, waarvan baie uit die polisiële-, veiligheids- en regsgeledere kom, sal die artikel besonder relevant wees. Dit spreek tot die kern van professionele ondersoekwerk: die soeke na getuienis, die onafhanklike toepassing van die reg en die beginsel dat geregtigheid nie onnodig vertraag behoort te word nie.
My indruk is dat die artikel nie probeer om politieke standpunte te bevorder nie, maar eerder om ‘n grondwetlike en praktiese perspektief op die funksionering van die strafregstelsel te bied. Dit maak die stuk ‘n nuttige bydrae tot die openbare debat oor aanspreeklikheid, korrupsie en die oppergesag van die reg.
Dankie advokaat!
Dit is ‘n belangrike kwessie wat advokaat Anton Wiid weer hier aanroer. En tydig ook.
Dit laat mens daan weer wonder waarom etlike individue wat deur die Zondo-kommissie uitgewys was vir verdere kriminele ondersoeke, nog ewe selfversekerd oral rondloop, en selfs in die Parlement in belangrike poste dien.
Nie net bring dit ernstige vrae na vore nie – dit skep ‘n onweerlegbare indruk dat sekere individue beskerm word. Na my mening skree dit ten hemele!
Ek is selfs verbaas dat organisasies en individue in die Suid-Afrikaanse samelewing nig nie hierdie skreiende versuim regstreeks aangepak het nie.