JACKIE THE BABOON

JACKIE, BILLY AND DINKS: THE BABOON, THE BOLD AND THE IMMORTAL

© Dirk Danschutter, MMSc

Degreed in Medical Sciences and in Medico-Social Sciences

Summary

In his historiographic review on South African Service Pets (in 1956), HH Curson explained that baboons “although liable to be teased by those of less intelligence,” made lively, intelligent, popular and therefore excellent pets.[1] At the time, detaching monkeys and apes from their wild habitat to train them as pets or vaudeville artists was not considered as something harmful. When the Great War broke out, it was quite natural to allow (among a variety of exotic and other animals) pet-monkeys in combat units. This was by far not a “1914-newness”: soldiers caring for animals (with or without an emblematic role) was a widely accepted tradition, rooted in the mist of times. Baboons Jackie and Billy joined the South African (SA) Expeditionary Force, while Dinks, yet another baboon, was the mascot of a British Field Company of the Royal Engineers (FCRE), stationed in Pretoria before war had begun.

With the help of hired services and a direct descendant, quite recently military, medical, legal and police records of Jackie’s owner (Albert Marr), the man’s parents and several of his siblings have emerged. Sufficient documentation has surfaced to (re)write a fact-based sequel about Marr and his baboon. This sequel will undoubtedly reset the original story brought by so many.

Billy “the Bombardier” landed with the SA Heavy Artillery (SAHA) at Cooden Camp (Bexhill-on-Sea), where he was very popular and intensely mediatized. But when the SAHA embarked for France, Billy’s story suddenly halted. However, after the war he resurfaced as abruptly as he had vanished in 1915. Amused newspaper correspondents described quite detailed how Billy had demolished a lion cage “on the grounds of the Grand Hotel” (London, 1918), and whether during a military parade at Port Elizabeth in 1921, he had ignored Earl Haig’s respectful salutation. Other reporters explained how Billy had become a liability and therefore remained with the SAHA Reserve in Britain. They wrote that eventually he was donated to Bristol Zoo Gardens in 1918. Unfortunately, the Bristol Zoo Project could not locate any archival documentation regarding the assumed donation.

The least exposed monkey, in fact quite an anonymous one, had most likely seen most of the Great War action. A careful review of surviving pictures, and the reminiscences of a Sapper of the 54th FCRE, 7th Division, forwarded recently (by a direct descendent), enabled the piecing together of Dinks’ story leading up to his tragic end.

Jackie the Baboon

During the Spring Offensive (April 1918), more precisely when British troops were retreating from the Kemmel sector, an odd pairing of SA soldiers was hit by shellfire.[2] Private Albert Marr of the 3rd SA Infantry Regiment remained relatively unscathed, but his little companion, a baboon named Jackie, was gravely wounded. The lower part of the monkey’s right leg was almost completely severed, the animal bled from a jagged wound in the arm and it hobbled in agony because of a fractured left foot on which it vainly tried to stand. The scene was vividly described by Captain PKA Digby, first in 1979 (allegedly without pictures), then in 1990 (with photographs).[3] Escorted by stretcher bearers, yet in the arms of a devastated Albert, the two arrived at a Veterinary Officer’s (VO) post. Why the VO decided not to treat the monkey himself had probably to do with a proficiency limited to remounting and caring for equids. [4] Instead he brought it to Captain Robert Noel Woodsend, a young physician in the field. Unfortunately, as Digby (and subsequently all authors referring to him) omitted that part of Woodsend’s narrative: no one ever tried to narrow down Woodsend’s whereabouts to or next a unit with a veterinarian. Anyway, Woodsend took the initiative to consider Jackie as a human casualty, at the time a choice for which he was not appraised at all. Someday in the 1950s, Woodsend told his son and grandson that in the aftermath it had started “the holy war” and that “it was the hell to pay”. Woodsend, who had taken over a general practice at Catterick before the war, served in Belgium and France for one year (1917-1918).

Despite the fact that Woodsend published two narratives about Jackie, he never realised that he was photographed with the baboon. .[5] [6] Not only did Digby immortalize Woodsend through an iconic picture, he also promoted him to Lieutenant Colonel, with a DSO bar. Every author (without any known exception) continued to caption Woodsend as the middle-aged Lieutenant Colonel, sitting in the grass next to a pet dog and a bandaged, undressed Jackie (Figure 1).

Afbeelding met buitenshuis, kleding, persoon, hond Automatisch gegenereerde beschrijving

Figure 1. Lieutenant – Colonel WJS Harvey, DSO, RAMC, with Jackie and pet dog, probably May 1918. Received from Margaret Atsango (Witwatersrand University)

Anne Woodsend (Robert’s hundred-year-old daughter who was still alive during our interviews 2019-2021) and his grandson Hugh Gervase (1947, a retired test pilot) kindly reviewed our drafts. In addition to the unexpected “holy war” that Woodsend had called upon himself, another amazement was that “The Officer in the picture with Jackie is not my father/grandfather”.

Spring Offensive 1918

Woodsend described exactly where and when Jackie was wounded (Figure 3). Evidently, key references to overview troop movements from the Vierstraat sector down to Wijtschaete in April 1918, are the war diaries available at the National Archives (Kew).[7] Unfortunately, the war diaries on SAI regimental level for this particular period are missing, while mid-February the 3rd SAI had been disbanded and the remaining men divided over the 1st SAI Brigade: i.e., 1st, 2nd and 4th (SA Scottish) regiments. Albert’s records fail to mention any reallocation to one of these three SAI regiments as he kept the 3rd SAI Regiment designation until demobilisation in 1919. Worth mentioning is that Albert is definitely recognizable in a picture that was probably taken March 1918.[8] The 3rd SAI badge is clearly identifiable on his collar, whereas the two kilted NCOs standing on Jackie’s left have SAS (4th SAI) badges. As Jackie is dressed in what seems to be an improvised kilt, amidst 3rd SAI and SAS (including 1st SAI Brigade cap and shoulder badges), this picture might as well “simply” show that Albert was assigned to the SAS after the disbandment of the 3rd SAI. Interestingly, in the Wytschaete sector, the SAS was slightly “off” the two other SAI regiments, while being attached to different brigades also.

'n Foto wat klere, person, persoon, buite bevat AI-gegenereerde inhoud kan dalk verkeerd wees.

Figure 2. Jackie (wearing a kilt) among the SAS

To pinpoint where Jackie was wounded would already be challenging if Albert was a “full-combat Soldier” (cat. A2-duty) with an unknown allocation (to one of the three SAI regiments). Being medically degraded to B2 after a gun shot wound that he had sustained in Egypt, makes things even more complicated. His duty at unit level would have been limited to either labour or sentry, canceling active participation in “going over the top”. Given that his military records keep repeating that he was as “SAR & H” (SA Railways & Harbours) plumber, assigning him to the (light or trench) railway system seems like a pragmatic choice. However, the army railway companies (Royal Engineers), small and broad gauge, had their own troops. Maybe Albert remained at a labour section that required his tradesman’s skills. Or he was a guard. The latter would explain why Jackie’s sentry skills (among troops) have always been highlighted (hearing, vision, barking, tugging fatigues). [9] Whether Albert was appointed sentry, or railway craftsman or both is unrecorded: 6 November 1916 his records simply mention “rejoined unit”, and “B2 duty”.

From 18-20 April the three SAI regiments were more or less divided over a triangular-shaped sector formed by La Polka in the left corner (Kemmel), going up to Desinet Farm (top of triangle). From here it went down to right, following the Vierstraat-Wytschaete Road along Red Chateau, Hospice (including the area to North Farm and Estaminet). The triangle’s base followed the Kemmel-Wijtschaete Road, along the Maedelstede and Peckham Craters, including Lagache Farm and the area north of Store Farm. The base and the right side of the triangle were intertwined with trenches and alleys, named Obvious, Ocean, Occasion, Nap. There was also an elaborated system of trench and light railways in the Wijtschaete-Vierstraat sector. Along the triangle’s base south and southwest of Wytschaete ran the“W” trench railways. The W.2. trench railway ran up to North House (stopping a few decameters left from Estaminet). The right side (Wijtschaete-Vierstraat Road) and the center of the SAI sector counted additional trench and light railways, inclusive sidings and marshalling yards (e.g. Parma a few hundred meters fom Red Chateau). These ran alongside the Vierstraat-Kemmel Road (Parret, York). Hence, Albert’s B2-duty was not necessarily synonymous with back area labour or sentry, he might as well have been in the trenches at the Frontline.

Afbeelding met tekst, kaart, diagram, atlas Automatisch gegenereerde beschrijving

Figure 3. SAI triangle in the Wijtschate-Vierstraat sector

Digby wrote how out of the debris around him, Jackie “frantically” tried to build a shelter to protect himself from incoming shells. Similarly, Gillson described how Jackie was seeking shelter under blankets when shells exploded at “Shell Fire Beach”, during the battle of Agagia (Egypt), 26 February 1916.[10] Alas, here in and out the targetted trenches were no blankets to hide under. A bit unfortunate is that Woodsend did not refer to any weather condition, especially when numerous war diaries mention that it started snowing 19 April, which (if cited) would certainly have been an accurate timeline indicator. Worth mentioning is that a low ambient (freezing) temperature, (mild) hypothermia and (compensated) hypovolemic shock influence a victim’s chance of survival significantly. In other words, Jackie could have lost his leg hours, even days before he was presented to the VO. However, Albert’s clear despair suggests an abrupt event, a long delay seems unlikely.

Three weeks after Woodsend planned to visit Jackie, he read an interview in The Times, wherein Harvey explained that Jackie only stayed for the night at 36th CCS, after which he was evacuated to “a coastal Base Hospital”. The Times’ special war correspondent found Jackie sitting “on a hospital bed among our heroes”. Once more Jackie was admitted to a facility for humans only. As Jackie’s story appeared in The Times of 22 April and the movement of the SA reversed from attack mode (Wytschaete, 17 April) into a retreat (18 April), the outliers of Jackie’s time of wounding are most likely confined within 18-20 April. The Times’ reporter cannot have sent his story any later than 21 April, although nothing excludes that Jackie might have been among the “steady flow of cases” from earlier on (before 18 April).

Harvey remained at Rousbrugge until 28 April, then 36th CCS moved to Watten (France) where it was closed for the month of May. It continued to be “quasi” closed until September, admitting only a few local sick and some Officers. Mid-June 1918, Harvey (still in Watten) raised the idea of “sending Jackie to England to assist in the collection of Funds”.

Despite Harvey was a high-ranked and multi-decorated Officer, a senior surgeon, living in a castle-like house in Penzance, no local librarian nor curator from the greater Cornwall-area was able to locate a picture of him. Nonetheless, Harvey (44 in 1918) is most likely the middle-aged RAMC Lieutenant Colonel, DSO, sitting with his monkey-patient in front of a typical late 19th century farm of the Flanders. Jackie’s left foot still bears a Paris’ cast, meaning that the picture is taken within a period of at least 6 weeks after the initial admission in 36th CCS. The bandage around the stump is a poor time indicator as it was this (chronically infected) wound that probably led to Jackie’s untimely death in 1921. In his final (surviving) transcript to the BRCS (British Red Cross Society) commissioner, Harvey did not refer to the jagged arm wound, nor is there a bandaged arm in the picture. This excludes that the picture was taken at Rousbrugge in the immediate aftermath of the event. Where Albert and Jackie remained until 5 August has not been recorded (except The Times’ correspondence mentioning “a coastal Base Hospital”). Albert’s records mention that 5 August he was at No 3 Rest Camp at Boulogne s/Mer. He stayed here until 19 September, then he and Jackie left for England, where they were admitted in the SA Military Hospital at Richmond Park, London.[11]

De(n) Ouderdom

According to Wim Chielens (Reningelst, 1960), a Flemish radio-producer (retired) and Great War author of local oral traditions, Jackie was rushed to a farm in Ouderdom. [12] The Jacobs’ farm at the T-junction of the Reningelst–Vlamertinge Road with the Dikkebusweg, was from the beginning of the war a place for British and French Field Ambulances. A small British war cemetery located behind the farm, with 109 graves dating from 1915-1918 and three graves removed to a French burial ground, confirms that the location served as a medical (and surgical) treatment facility for both armies throughout the war.[13] Major AA Martin (1876-1916), DSO, FRCS, RAMC, gave the farm (especially the farmers’ couple Cyriel Jacob and Eudoxie Delegher) much attention in his book “A Surgeon in Khaki”. He described the not so flatterous conditions wherein he had to perform life-saving surgery with cows everywhere, in the cold, sleeping on the floor and not to forget, the horrible voice of Eudoxie alarming at 4 am, every single morning.[14] Martin died of wounds at Flers in September 1916.[15] Just as renowned for recording local events in well-informed diaries was pastor Achiel Van Walleghem (1879-1955). Alas, forced to evacuate when the Germans pressed on to Mount Kemmel, Van Walleghem fled from Reninghelst with the last of his parishioners on 18 April. He remained in exile at Rouen until May 1919. Hence, in his recollections about local (rural) life, he never mentioned something unexpectedly like a baboon-Soldier treated in his parish. If Jackie had arrived at Jacob’s Farm on 18 April (or the day before), it is unlikely that the monkey-Soldier would have escaped Van Walleghem’s (or his parishioners’) all-seeing eye(s). This suggests that either Jackie did not arrive in Ouderdom, or that the monkey was wounded after Van Walleghem had left Reninghelst. Michel DeBrabandere (84), widower of Paula Jacob (granddaughter of Cyriel and Eudoxie) and today the sole occupier of the Jacobs’ farm, never heard his late wife or his brother-in-law (the late Paul Jacob, deceased during the corona pandemic) or any ancestor, mentioning a wounded monkey at his farm. In addition, Woodsend wrote that he was in a small camp of wooden huts alongside the main road, when Jackie was brought to him by a VO. This does not sound like the Jacobs’ farm, which of course does not exclude that Jackie was rushed to some other place (with wooden huts) in Ouderdom.

From the perspective of a retreat and a camp of wooden huts “behind” Reninghelst, two streets deviating from the frontline are eligible to fit Woodsend’s “main road” description. The N304 or Baljuwstraat (i.e., the Poperinghestraat in 1918) had two lanes and ran directly to Poperinghe (which it still does). From 17-20 April, the four batteries and HQs of the 162 RFA, 33rd Division were changing position every day, to and fro adjacent camps and bivouacs along either side of this road. The area on the left of it was called Hooggraaf (or Brabant). The 9th (Scottish) Divisional Ammunition Column (DAC) with a DAC-section of the 33rd attached to it, were also positioned here.

The “other eligible” main road was a British modification of the Nedergraafstraat, initially a small curvy road west of Reninghelst which led to France (Abele and Cassel). [16] Although aerial pictures taken in 1918 show that the Nedergraafstraat kept a narrower aspect than the N304, it would certainly have fit Woodsend’s depiction too. As landowners had lost land at either side of the now-straightened Nedergraafstraat, Mayor Gustave Six was compelled to communicate their dismay. He sent a letter to an unnamed Lieutenant Colonel, “CO of 5th Corps RE at Abeele”, in which he refers to the start of the roadworks (i.e., 25th March 1916). V Corps HQs stayed at Abeele until 4th April, but it remains unsolved which FCRE performed the road adaptation.[17] Anyway, the small Nedergraafstraat was transformed into the “main road” to Abele-l’Abeele, to the “English” saw mill, but most importantly, to Remy Siding, the largest evacuation center of the Ypres Salient. A map of 28th FA shows that Field Ambulances located in Ouderdom transported casualties primarily towards Remy via the Nedergraafstraat. Compared with the N304 which remains relatively unmentioned by FAs during the First Battle of Kemmel, maybe the smaller Nedergraafstraat was yet the greater “main road”.

Designating the Nedergraafstraat as “main road” would also have been a pragmatic way to deal with a knot of streetnames, as the Nedergraafstraat (including the 500m wide crossing of a French enclave), simply counted too many name changes over its short course to Steenvoorde or Cassel. Since its widening, it was even given an additional name: “den Abelegravier”. Abelegravier was dotted with small camps and had mainly 19th (Western) Division combat and resting field company units, and 9th (Scottish) supporting units positioned on either side of the road. Such company forced to rest and to prepare in the rear of the firing guns, could have been “an unhappy condition” for those eager to join the action.

At least twelve Divisions participated in either both, or in one of the Kemmel battles. Nearly 700 war diaries of units active in the sector of the SAI, and of units along the N304 and the Nedergraafstraat, were screened. About twenty are misssing. None of the screened diaries yielded Woodsend’s name, despite a unit’s potential to comprise a veterinarian or a compliance with Woodsend’s narrative (main road behind Reninghelst, small camp, boring). For example, each RFA Brigade had a Veterinary Staff Officer and AVC crew attached to its HQ, responsible for the management of the thousands of horses and mules. From this perspective, the four batteries of the 162nd RFA and the DAC, changing position along the N304 daily, concur with Woodsend’s setting. Likewise, the Divisional Train of the Army Service Corps (DT ASC) had a VO plus AVC crew attached. Every evening, the 9th DT ASC (104, 105, 106 and 107 companies) “based” in Hooggraaf, provided food and water rations as closest as possible to the 28th (SAI), 27th and 26th brigades in the Bassije area (Vierstraat-Kemmel-Millekruis-La Clytte square). Three FCRE of the 19th (Western) Division were literally resting: 81st and 82nd FCRE at Hooggraaf, 94th FCRE at Condiment Cross: a small camp of wooden huts at the T-junction of the Nedergraafstraat with Hooggraaf. Similar to RFA, DAC and DT ASC, also the FCRE and Divisional Signal Companies (usually) had a veterinarian attached. These vets dealt with regimental dogs and pigeons as well, while they also moved to and fro different units. All of the above mentioned units certainly met with Woodsend’s criteria – unfortunately his name does not emerge.

It cannot be ignored that Woodsend (in his first narrative) referred to “Rinningholst”. This is strange because at the different Abelegravier junctions he should at least have noticed the distinctive “Reninghelst” roadsigns. These were painted in black on a white background and even today still visible on some houses’ facades. Investigating the whereabouts of Albert and Jackie is based on Woodsend’s memory. If Woodsend was mistaken about the place where he was, then this might explain why he does not surface in war diaries or why his narrative is not corresponding with local oral tradition.

What about Private Marr?

During our search for validated sources, 19 February 2021 the “Chief of the SANDF: General” replied that “despite extensive search no documents with regards to Albert Marr, No 4927, could be located”. [18] Consequently, it was (wrongly but understandably) assumed that Marr left no footprint in SA military archives. However mid-2024, a hired (antiques’) service “located” twenty different, official records of Marr, filed at the (same) SANDF. Supplementary to Albert’s medical/military records, copies of his will, his mother’s will, inventories (“final liquidation and distribution accounts”), newspaper clippings, the family’s history and Police reports to the Supreme Court of the Transvaal Province were shared by Jo Wells, a great3-granddaughter of Harriett Mort’s 12-year-older sister Ann (Harriett was Albert’s mother). As none of Albert’s recently acquired official records once suggest the authorized presence of a pet, whether Jackie’s “iconic” records as shared by PKA Digby are reliable or genuine, must be considered uncertain.[19]

Renown historians and authors like PKA Digby, I Uys, P Dickens, S Rossouw all praised the duo’s heroic status.[20] [21] [22] Maybe a bit hesitating (except Digby who was a true believer) about the Delville Wood ordeal, none doubted the duo’s “heavy fighting” during 2,5-3 years, hence including the Somme Campaigns (which lasted until November 1916).[23] From Marr’s records kept at Centurion, these claims (Delville Wood and Somme) can now be debunked.[24] 26 February 1915, Albert Marr was shot in the right shoulder while he was active in Egypt. He was then sent to No 21 General Hospital at Alexandria, where he was interviewed by WHC Brinks. Brinks would later explain how Albert caught the infant baboon near Premier Mine “where he was farming”.[25]

When the First SA Infantry Brigade (SAI) embarked for the Western Front, Albert of “D-Company” of the 3rd SAI was transferred to the British Red Cross Convalescence Home (BRCCH) at Montazah. Albert remained even longer in Egypt, after he was transferred from the BRCCH to the 52nd Divisional Base Depot at Mustapha (also in Alexandria).[26] 20 July 1916 (SAI fought in Delville Wood 15-20 July), Albert embarked for No 2 Infantry Base Depot (IBD) at Rouen, where he was medically “degraded” from A2 (overseas full combat Soldier) to B2 (sentry or labour overseas, at Unit level).[27] The gunshot wound he had sustained in Agagia, had led to debilitating power loss in his shoulder. He, and presumably Jackie too, as it had been Albert’s term before joining the SAEF that he would never be separated from his monkey, remained at the IBD in Rouen. 6 November 1916 the duo rejoined their Unit. Based on Albert’s official records, and as the 9th (Scottish) Division did not engage in the two last battles of the Somme, he (and Jackie) did not participate in the Delville Wood ordeal, nor in any Somme Battle. [28]

'n Foto wat teks, dokument, papier bevat AI-gegenereerde inhoud kan dalk verkeerd wees.

Fig 4. One of Albert’s records from the SANDF

Before and after the war, Albert was employed as a tradesman at the Pretoria Works Company (CSAR), the largest manufacturing and repairing enterprise for railway steam engines and waggons. His military records (without any exception) and his mother’s will mention his trade as “SAR & H Plumber” (SA Railway & Harbours). His civilian records mostly mention “Tinsmith”, but never once as a farmer although he allegedly found Jackie “while farming near Premier Mine” (Magaliesberg). Albert was English, born in Northwich, Cheshire (1 November 1988). He was the fourth qua age (25 years apart between the oldest and the youngest child), four siblings had died in early childhood. From 1904 on, James, Harriett and eventually all of their eleven children emigrated to Pretoria. Here the family illegitimately occupied the property of the late common-law husband (“Texas Jack Jr.”) of one of the daughters (Lyle, born Margaret Elizabeth).[29] The eviction, followed by other allegations about “land-squatting” and tricking people out of their money, led to court cases (at least until 1919), even though a Police report of 1908 mentions that the Marr’s had bought a house (Lot 33) which they called the “Cheshire Farm” (situated on #850 of Lot 33). However, Harriett’s will in 1924 clarifies that Lot 33 consisted not of one, but of four terrains: #790#810#820#830 (including “buildings and erections”, net worth £458). The property started from the corner of Terblanche Street-33rd Street and ran up northwards. In other words four gardens or grounds wherein Jackie could have been buried (hypothetically).

Several reports in local (Northwich) newspapers, and a record to the Master of the Supreme Court of Transvaal, evidenced that Harriett in particular was a problem maker, even before the Marr’s had emigrated. Albert’s brothers Herbert and James Frederick were juvenile “criminals”, sent to reformatory institutions, each for periods of 3-5 years. George (another brother) was sentenced to jail. Harriett remained abusive towards her daughters, forcing them to have promiscuous relations with men. At times the Transvaal Police had to intervene. Albert is not mentioned once in these reports wherein his family members are described “of indifferent morals”. Moreover, his military discharge record mentioned “very good conduct”.[30] In 1924, Harriett appointed Albert as her “sole and universal heir as a recompense for having been my sole support and for having looked after me since my husband’s death” (from cancer in 1915). Hence, Albert appeared not to be like the rest of his family, maybe he was more like his father. A “hard working SAR engine driver”, explaining the judge that he did not understand where it all went wrong with his sons and spouse. Albert’s empathy with an orphaned chacma baboon, the caretaking of his mother, maybe of his siter Lyle too (signing witness on the 1924 will), being inseparable from a cat and a dog, all indicate that Albert was the “good son”.

'n Foto wat teks, boek, papier, dokument bevat AI-gegenereerde inhoud kan dalk verkeerd wees.

Fig 5. Harriett Mort’s will, kindly received from Jo Wells

In 1949 Albert was pensioned off from the SAR. He received a monthly pension of 105 R. Albert died in a Hotel Room of the Victoria Hotel (Pretoria), 18 August 1973, aged 84. He left no estate, at some time he must have sold his entire inheritance. His little savings (1,000 R) from a Post Office Savings Account went to his niece Thelma Avent (Kensington, Johannesburg).

Jackie’s death causes were (described by) many: mostly dated 21 or 22 May 1921. Other sources mentioned 1920 and 1927. Jackie died from a heart- or panic attack after a thunderstruck over “the farm”. Or after “the farm” had burnt down, or after a happy life at Pretoria Zoo. In July 1950, three different MOTH-members, all from different Shellholes, claimed to remember Jackie (and Albert) very well.[31] Harry Cuthill, mentioning that he was a neighbour, wrote that Jackie could not be soothed and died a few days after an airplane passed at low altitude over the house. L Heymann mentioned that “Albert, a SAR tinsmith and now a pensioner resided with him”. He was inseparable from his Siamese cat and a Fox terrier. If “L Heymann” was Leo Goodman, entrepreneur and manager of the Victoria Hotel, then Albert had lived in Room 104 (at least) since the 1940s, apparently with pets (allowed) until his death in 1973. However, the prerogative is that “L” was a MOTH-member (from Coalbox Mark II Shellhole, Pretoria). Due to a lack of interest of the MOTH, a membership could not be established for the time being. Hence, the contributor might have been “another” Heymann (e.g., Levit Heymann, a doctor and Reserve-Major retiring in 1946). A possibility might then have been that for a period prior Room 104, Albert resided in a place assisted by the MOTH.

In 1959, C Pijper (a Dutch professor in skin disorders, practising in Johannesburg) answered Woodsend’s call about what eventually happened to Jackie. Unfortunately, Woodsend’s information about this communication is rather confusing than enlightening. To begin with, it is unclear what Woodsend meant by Jackie coming under his attention for “the second wound”. In his first article, Woodsend mentioned that Jackie had been wounded in action twice, even though (later) only one wound stripe would adorn Jackie’s sleeve. Woodsend bandaged Jackie’s wounds after he had amputated the lower leg, the broken foot was neither diagnosed nor treated by him. In his account the “second wound” sentence is immediately followed by the diagnosis of chronic wound infection (of the stump), which led to blood poisoning and Jackie’s death. Did Woodsend refer to the newspaper correspondence sent to him by Pijper? Or are those sentences Pijper’s reflection (consequently being Jackie’s doctor) about a secondary physiopathological complication leading to “blood poisoning”? Unfortunately, the Natal Daily News article to which Woodsend refers, could not be retrieved. Yet, even today sepsis, septicaemia or osteomyelitis, all remain plausible causes of death. Especially when the photograph of Jackie holding a teddy bear (taken at the Marble Arch Studios in London, 1918), clearly shows exposing bone, this time not concealed by the monkey’s fur (like in the other postcards).

'n Foto wat klere, muur, persoon, swart bevat AI-gegenereerde inhoud kan dalk verkeerd wees.

Fig 6. Jackie with Teddy Bear, personal collection

Whether the “Cheshire Farm” was a tumultuous household or on the contrary a quiet place after Albert and Jackie had returned from the war, is difficult to assess. Frank (the youngest sibling) would have been 18-19 years, but the others were in their mid-twenties up to their early forties and had most likely left the house. Harriett’s death certificate (1927) mentions #850 (Cheshire Farm) as immovable property. Was Jackie buried in this house’s garden, in Villieria? Or in one of the three adjacent grounds of Lot 33? Or did Albert tell Brink, who had visited Albert and Jackie in Egypt personally, that he buried Jackie “near Premier Mine where he farmed before and after the war”?

Despite the uniqueness of all this information, regarding Jackie’s grave it generates more questions than answers. Was Jackie on 23 May 1921, as Professor Pijper mentioned, “by special permission of the Municipality”, buried on farm ground at Premier Mine, or was he buried in one of the four gardens, starting from the corner of Terblanche Street running northly along 33rd Avenue? Or shall the day come that Brink proved right and that a monkey memorial will be excavated from Pretoria Zoo’s belly?

Billy the Bold

Billy “the Bombardier” could have become equally notable but his existence has evaporated in the mists of time. Or at least, big chunks of it seem to miss completely.[32] Mid-September 1915 and amidst of a lot of media attention, the South African Heavy Artillery (SAHA), 700-strong and accompanied by a cheerful monkey, landed in Cooden Camp (Bexhill).[33] The bulk of pictures and posts in local newspapers (several originals available in Bexhill museum and kindly received from D Hatherell) suggest that the baboon was very familiar with the gunners. “Billy had achieved the heights of higher civilization. He chewed tobacco, drank beer and generally behaved like a Christian. Billy’s friends in the South African forests would disown it if he would ever return to them”, seemed to refer to an origin, as well to a period of acquaintance.

Billy was said to be a Cape (“Blackfoot”) baboon. He was “smuggled” from Cape Town in a tarpaulin-covered lifeboat aboard the Kildonan Castle, praised for his intelligence and well behaving, especially with the children in nearby Little Common. He was a great favourite of camp visitors, who watched him waxing plump and fat in his quarters (which was a hut under a tree). He received a great deal of attention, and “as much food as would keep a dozen baboons from starvation”. Bread, patatoes, pears, apples – all came alike to Billy. That was to say: if he fancied the goods he ate them. Otherwise he heaved them back at the sender.

'n Foto wat klere, persoon, buite bevat AI-gegenereerde inhoud kan dalk verkeerd wees.

Figure 7. Billy frolicking with the SAHA gunners, courtesy of Bexhill Museum

Billy withstood the cold and English climate wonderfully well. He liked frolicking, “had quite a sense of his own importance”, and was “a much more intelligent mascot than the bears of the Canadian comrades-in-arms”. When the Band played Billy proudly marched in front, enjoying the fun as much as anyone.[34] The SAHA was clearly very fond of their mascot: during football games he was chosen to hold the Union Jack aloft, or he sat on the goal’s cross-bar.[35] Despite the monkey’s (reported) presence at the inauguration of a memorial in Port Elizabeth, no pictures other than those taken at Cooden Camp (some by a “Mrs. Portier”) seem to have survived.[36] Most of Billy’s pictures suggest a link with the 74st Siege Battery (SB), one of the five SAHA SB (including about 20% of the men being detached from the RMA).[37] Moreover, Billy was “led” by JB Kruger, a Gunner (and ace cricket player) of the 74th. Admittedly, he was also pictured on the shoulder of a Gunner of the 71st SB, or while he played with NCO’s of the 73rd and when he accepted goodies from an RMA Bombardier.

'n Foto wat buite, lug, persoon, klere bevat AI-gegenereerde inhoud kan dalk verkeerd wees.

Figure 8. Billy and the 74th SB Flag, courtesy of Bexhill Museum

However, about Billy’s Service, the only references found so far and quite apart, are from Cooden Camp (September 1915), the Lord Mayor Parade (LMS) of 9 November 1918 and a ceremony held in Port Elizabeth (April 1921).[38] [39] Some newspaper reports seem to rather suggest that Billy never went to the Frontline, instead he stayed with the SAHA Reserve. First in Cooden Camp, but since it had moved its HQ in September 1917, at Staddon Fort (Plymouth). Major AE Rann (formerly a Captain with 71st SB), CO of the SAHA Reserve, donated Billy “during the year 1918” to the Bristol Zoo Gardens (Bristol, Clifton and West England Zoological Society). Billy was received with accolades: “the finest specimen of its species they ever had in the Gardens”.[40] Another newspaper correspondence mentioned “One interesting fact in the Battery’s history centers round its mascot, a tame baboon brought over from Africa. Unhappily familiarity bred fierceness, and the animal much to the reverse of tame that it was sent to the Zoo, where it remains.”[41]

Worth mentioning is that the IWM captioned Billy as “Jacko” (Q54354), while there is no single (other) reference that Billy was named this-like. Could be a syntax error from the IWM, although in the 50s Colonel EF Thackeray (1871-1956) explained that “Jacko”, who was at the LMS of 1918, was handed over for “safe keeping to Pretoria Zoo where he peacefully died in 1927”. [42] Oddly, Marr’s baboon never was in a zoo meaning that either Thackeray, or the correspondent, confounded Jackie with another monkey. Indeed, there is a newspaper correspondence claiming that Billy spent his final years in Pretoria Zoo. However, it is a mystery how this article entitled “Baboon Bombardier: Lord Mayor’s Show Participant’s Haven of Rest” (1921) should be understood. The reporter cites that “during the war-time LMS” thousands witnessed how Billy was introduced to Royals and Field-Marshal Haig. If Billy was donated to the Zoo after the wartime LMS, his presence at the time might have been hypothetically possible although the monkey was (by then) known to be a liability. Quite the opposite, Jackie (and Albert) were filmed and photographed during the 1918 LMS, while they were saluting the crowd from a captured 77mm gun. Maybe the reporter confounded the monkeys. However, parts of Billy’s narrative differ completely from Jackie’s: Billy is said to have been in the Grand Hotel (Trafalgar Square) “since the return of his unit” (hence excluding earlier wartime LMSs) and from where he was sent to his “permanent and comfortable home for the remainder of his life”. Pretoria Zoo namely sent a lion cage, but before Billy had been in it, he had worked his fingers between the cracks in the floorboards ripping up the flooring.[43] There is no way this narrative could apply to Jackie, but maybe Billy’s destructive behaviour forced Major Rann to reconsider a long sailing trip across the ocean versus three hours (or less) on a train to Bristol (Clifton). K Webb of the Bristol Zoo Zoological Society was not able to retrieve any information yet from the Bristol Zoo’s Archives (closed to the public since 2022).

The SAHA demobilised at Cape Town (Maitland) in July 1919, likely with the disbanding of the Brigade. In 1921, when Field-Marshal D Haig inaugurated the 74th war memorial at Port Elizabeth, several newspapers reported how the Earl rose before the simian and saluted it respectfully, albeit leaving the readers amused wondering whether Billy was well-behaved enough to have returned the salutation. No pictures of Earl Haig with the monkey have yet emerged.[44] [45]

Dinks the Immortal

'n Foto wat persoon, klere, leëruniform bevat AI-gegenereerde inhoud kan dalk verkeerd wees.

Figure 9. © IWM Q26623 (kindly rendered by J Smet)

At the Italian Front, Spring 1918, Lieutenant E Brooks shot a picture of a robust, pipe-smoking baboon sitting on a log, frolicking with four amused “servicemen from SA” (Figure 9). [46] To Brooks personally, Q26623 was probably self-evident, even if his (personal) object description seems to make no sense. The monkey’s cap and the Sergeant’s collar badges indicate that the Sergeant, and seemingly the Warrant Officer too, were “Oldham Comrades” (“OC”). As the “OC” (24th Manchester Regiment, 22nd Brigade, 7th Division) was a “Pals’ Regiment” raised at the beginning of the war from mainly volunteers who never set foot in SA, nor did they come from SA, the “OC” caring for a baboon and a SA origin are insuperable incompatibilities. This while Brooks’ caption implies that the monkey was some kind of a famous mascot, serving throughout the war since 1914, with “servicemen of the Royal Engineers from SA”.

After the Italian defeat at Caporetto, the “OC” were one of the Pioneer Battalions that were sent from the Flanders to Italy (Asiago and Piave River sectors). From 1916 on, they had been supporting the 54th Field Company Royal Engineers (FCRE). The eye-catching Manchester badge on the monkey’s cap acknowledges a close relationship between the “OC” pioneers and the handler(s) of the baboon. Given the 54th’s position during Spring 1918 and one of the men wearing a cardigan, Brooks probably took the picture in some rest camp in the Asiago sector. Hence, the Soldier holding the chain, probably the one in the cardigan too, were sappers of 54th FCRE. In fact, these sappers were the true protagonists, but subject to object salience bias, most authors tend to crop them out of Q26623.

'n Foto wat klere, person, persoon, mense bevat AI-gegenereerde inhoud kan dalk verkeerd wees.

Fig 10. The Sketch, displaying Dinks, kindly received from Katherine Bracewell

A caption revealing Dinks’ name, Regiment and post (next to a Driver wearing a leather gaiter and protective leg-iron), appeared for the first time in The Sketch of 28 October 1914. Another picture (estimated 1916) shows a restrained baboon sitting on top of a Warren Woolwich clock, at the front of what looks like a tent camp. As the image bears the inscription “54th Coy RE Mascot”, it most likely portrays a juvenile Dinks. Ernest Bracewell and some Italian authors provided additional information about Dinks. In the 1960s, Ernest (1893-1971) wrote about his experiences in the Great War, when he was a Sapper (No 299440) of the 54th FCRE. His family kindly gave access to an extract of his hand-written memoirs, recalling his time in Italy in 1918.[47] In his “random recollections” Ernest mentioned that he had been appointed to “a Regular” (i.e., Professional) “Division, part of the Contemptible Little Army”. ”Many had been through the war from Mons onwards. They had been serving in Africa and were recalled when Kaiser Bill got awkward and had brought back a baby ape who of course was fully grown when I joined them. He had a tunic with one gold stripe to tell the world he had been wounded. The drivers idolised him and on pay nights would get him drunk and next morning there he would be with his head in his hands, rocking to and fro, but came back for more next pay night. In a way I suppose he was unique.” Bracewell’s diary included a photograph of a group of sappers of the 54th FCRE, mentioning Sapper “Tug” Wilson. Some Italian authors refer to “AL” Wilson’s memoirs (alas unreferenced) of the 54th FCRE, in which Wilson mentioned that his unit was stationed in SA and that the baby ape was acquired then.

However when war broke out, the 54th FCRE was part of the Territorial Force and composed of reservists grouping at Chatham. With the general mobilisation (4 august 1914) all overseas cadres of professional soldiers of the British Empire, including those posted in SA, were recalled to reform the 7th Division. The 55th FCRE cadre in Pretoria was 155 NCO and men, 2 Captains, 2 Lieutenants, 20 horses and one “baby ape”. Arriving at Chatham onboard the SS Goorkha and SS Guildford Castle, once the 55th FCRE had moved to Lyndhurst the cadre (from 4 September on) amalgamated with the “waiting” reservists of the 54th. [48] Dinks who seemed not to have belonged to one specific handler “swapped” units, maybe right away at Lyndhurst. In any circumstance before the 55th FCRE left the 7th Division to join the Guards Division (1 September 1916). Interestingly, Ernest mentioned William ‘Matey’ Caselton (No 18045), who was a Regular with the 55th FCRE in SA and section cook. However, Caselton’s medal card shows that he was a Sapper in the 54th from 5 October 1914 on (i.e., “qualifying date”), indicating that the change from 55th to 54th occurred before (or at least on the date that) the two Field Companies left for Zeebrugge.

This first week of October 1914, 54th and 55th FCRE embarked from Southampton to Zeebrugge (Flanders). From here the two Field Companies went in slightly different directions, from the coastal area (billets) towards Ghent as they were too late anyway to curb the German pressure upon the Antwerp forts (which had already fallen by then). The two Field Companies were never more than 30 km apart. Mid-October they joined at Roulers, the day after they headed for Ypres (Zillebeke and Wieltje). As the 7th Division assisted the Belgian soldiers in their passage to Ypres, they were among the first troops to oppose the German pressure (First Battle of Ypres). Kaiser Wilhelm deemed the effort of a mere 15,000 soldiers comical and irrelevant, mocking that the British could not render more but a “little contemptible army”. At Langemarck and Gheluvelt (in which area the two Field Companies were digging trenches and making obstructive constructions), the Infantry Brigades of the 7th suffered terrible losses. The overall cadre was cut to 2,000 troops. Nevertheless, the 7th Division, indeed a small army compared with the grinding German war machine, turned out to be undefeatable, abruptly halting the Enemy’s race for the sea. The “little contemptible army” had stopped Goliath. As the war continued for years, the soldiers of the 7th embraced the Kaiser’s insult with panache. They were respectfully called the “Old Contemptibles.” Or, “The Immortals”. After the First Battle of Ypres and the near annihilation of the “Old Contemptibles” in October 1914, it took until January-February 1915 to raise the cadre to original war strength. But the 7th reemerged like a Phoenix from its ashes and continued as “a happy team, one of the greatest fighting formations Britain ever put into the field”.[49]

'n Foto wat horlosie, aap, buite, soogdier bevat AI-gegenereerde inhoud kan dalk verkeerd wees.

Figure 11. Dinks in 1916, personal collection

IWM Q26623 is most likely the last picture taken of Dinks, shortly before his death. By the Spring of 1918, 54th FCRE were based in Camisino di Caltrano at the foot of the Asiago Plateau. However, much of their time was spent nearer the front line, high up on the edge of the Plateau in a little valley called Magnaboschi.[50] Dinks however, when the 54th were improving a railway tunnel at Cesuna (used to shelter battalions held in reserve) remained in Camisino with the drivers. It was here, on 2 July 1918, that he met a sad end. Dinks, who was usually restrained with a chain, was said to have escaped. Frightening the locals as he was roaming free on the slopes, he was shot by an Italian Soldier. [51] Dinks was buried with full military honours and the spot was marked with a tombstone.

The headstone was later found in the cellar of a cantina and restored by the Commune of Caltrano, it is now in the hands of a private individual.[52] [53]

Loosing Dinks in such a (stupid) way must have been very painful to the 54th FCRE, to his human drinking brothers among the drivers, his Manchester comrades and the 2nd Gordon Highlanders. They were all very fond of him, the kilted 2nd Gordon Highlanders (20th Brigade) were seen taking him for walks around the village. It suggests that he was a happy monkey cherished by all “Old Contemptibles”.

Sadly, Dinks of “the Immortals” had proven to be mortal after all.

'n Foto wat teks, grafsteen bevat AI-gegenereerde inhoud kan dalk verkeerd wees.

Figure 12. Dinks’ headstone in Camisino

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  24. SANDF records, Albert Marr, No 4927
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  35. Daily Sketch, Wednesday 22 September 1915, p.1398.
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  40. Western Daily Press, Thursday 10 April 1919
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  42. Home Front – the MOTH magazine, July 1950, p.7
  43. Manchester Evening News, 8 October 1921, https://www.findmypast.co.uk/image-viewer?issue=BL%2F0000272%2F19211008&page=3&article=066&stringtohighlight=billy+baboon.
  44. Earl Haig’s Tribute, Queens Land Times, 27 April 1921.
  45. Sunday Times (Perth), Sunday 1 May 1921, p.4
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  52. R Querin, Graffiti di Guerra, https://www.graffitidiguerra.it/graffiti/iscrizione-commemorativa-di-dinks-mascotte-della-54-compagnia-campale-britannica-caltrano
  53. La mascotte Dinks uccisa per sbaglio e sepolta con onore, https://mattinopadova.gelocal.it/padova/cronaca/2014/08/15/news/la-mascotte-dinks-uccisa-per-sbaglio-e-sepolta-con-onore-1.9766436'n Foto wat skermskoot bevat AI-gegenereerde inhoud kan dalk verkeerd wees.